Opinião Pública – Vol. 21, Nº 2 2015
Articles in this issue
Authors: João Feres Júnior e Verônica Toste Daflon
This article is about the creamy layer argument, according to which the better-off individuals in a social group targeted by a public policy tend to rip a disproportionate part of the benefits provided by this same policy. Such argument has been used to accuse the policy of inefficiency if not of perversity. Our chief aim here is to verify how this argument came to appear in Brazil’s public debate on affirmative action and how it was rearticulated in this new context. Using a combination of genealogy and reception studies methodology, we show (1) that the argument was received in Brazil through the reception of Thomas Sowell’s writtings on affirmative action in the US; (2) that Sowell used India’s affirmative action as the chief example of a policy tainted by the creamy layer effect; and (3) that, ironically enough, in the Indian debate this diagnosis is far from consensual. Finally we show that despite the fact that this argument was often employed to criticize the use of racial quotas in Brazil, the actual affirmative action programs implemented until 2012 adopted criteria that prevent the creamy layer effect. The data sources used for studying each context were different. For Brazil, we analyzed all texts on affirmative action published by newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo until 2012. For India and the United States, we reviewed the academic literature on the topic.
Author: Felipe Borba
This article investigates negative campaign in Brazilian presidential elections. The subject is extremely relevant since growing literature suggests that the tone of the campaign has important consequences for vote decision, political participation and levels of information. However, most of these studies were conducted to understand the political reality of the United States. In Brazil, despite rising interest in the effect of political communication strategies, negative campaigns / political ads have not become part of the research agenda. A literature review indicates only a scattered number of studies with inconsistent results. This article aims to fill this gap offering a historical analysis of negative ads broadcasted in Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (Unpaid Electoral Advertisement Slot) from 1989 to 2014 presidential elections (both first and second rounds). The objective is to contribute to the theoretical understanding of the determinants of negative campaign in a multiparty context that is also highly regulated. The results indicate that the negative campaign average is low in Brazil, the strategy being used primarily in the second round, in reelection years and by candidates at disadvantages in the pools against the leader. Overall, the article analyzes 123 hours of electoral advertising.
Authors: Magna Inácio e Daniela Rezende
This article investigates the dynamics of political control between the Executive and Legislative in coalition governments, focusing on the effects of tasks delegation to the parties of multiparty cabinet government. We argue that the chances of horizontal control based on monitoring of mutual coalition parties vary according to the party, cabinet and characteristics of parliamentary committees. The empirical reference of the analysis corresponds to the presidential cabinets in Brazil in the period from 1995 to 2010. Results demonstrate that the ability of horizontal control over a policy area by the ministerial party is related to the subject area considered, to the characteristics of the governing coalition and to the parties that occupy the ministries.
Authors: Rebecca Neaera Abers e Marília Silva de Oliveira
In this article, we explore the changing relationship between social movements and the Workers’ Party government, by looking at appointments to upper echelon positions in the Ministry of the Environment between 2003 and 2013. Our examination of the professional and political biographies of 147 appointees demonstrates that over the period, fewer social movement actors and more public servants were nominated. We suggest that this change did not result only from transformations in the political preferences of the Workers’ Party government. It also resulted from an increase in the absolute number of permanent employees , which made the government less dependent than in the past on the technical and political capacities of civil society actors.
Author: Carlos Ranulfo Melo
This article starts from the assumption that there is significant variation in the relationship between legislators and parties in Brazil and seeks to explain it from a study conducted in twelve states. The variation is measured with the aid of an index of partisanship, built on a set of questions asked the elected representatives to the Legislative Assemblies in 2007-2011 and 2011-2015 legislatures. The variation found is explained on two levels. The first refers to one of the dimensions of institutionalization of various state party systems: the stability of electoral competition. The second refers to a series of individual characteristics of the deputies, among which stands out the time to party affiliation. Ideology, degree of particularism in office and degree of progressivism in relation to contemporary issues also have significant impact on the dependent variable – the degree of partisanship. The hypotheses presented here had been tested based on data for the first of the above legislatures. By adding a second term, this study confirms and gives more robust results found.
Author: Yan de Souza Carreirão
This article presents a review of the international literature concerning empirical studies on political representation in the domain of central institutions for representative democracy, denominated in part of this literature as studies of "political congruence". These studies analyze the congruence between the voters’ political preferences, on the one hand, and the representatives’ political preferences or the public policies approved by them, on the other hand. In Brazil this kind of analysis barely exists. However, expressive literature about these subjects has been produced in the last fifty years, especially in the United States and in Europe. At the end of the article I propose an empirical research agenda aiming to approximate Brazilian studies to this debate, contributing thus to a better understanding of the representation process in the Brazilian democracy.
Authors: Everton Rodrigo Santos e Marcello Baquero
This article investigates the satisfactory evaluation of public policies in two cities in the suburban region of Porto Alegre, Brazil: Novo Hamburgo and Estância Velha. We developed a theoretical framework from the analytical perspective of social capital which takes into account the local value patterns (political culture) for the evaluation of public policies. The hypothesis is that public policies in a society detaining social capital have better conditions to succeed in their objectives. Thus, social capital becomes an ally to political institutions, having a positive impact on them. The results suggest that high levels of social capital are important variables that help improve the performance of public policies and of institutions providing services to the community. Data come from two surveys conducted in the cities of Novo Hamburgo and Estância Velha in 2012, with random samples totalizing 1.219 interviews.
Author: René Millán
This article explores the relationship between sociopolitical integration and subjective well-being in two cities. Four dimensions of integration are considered: social cohesion, social capital, relationship between government and citizenship, and quality of life. The results show the forms of sociopolitical integration influence or modulate the association, internationally accepted, of happiness with different variables. That means that contexts of communities matter in determining subjective well-being. These contexts explain the heterogeneity of behavior or variability regarding happiness. However, there are associations that are confirmed beyond the specific contexts.
Authors: Rousiley Celi Moreira Maia, Patrícia G. C. Rossini, Vanessa V. de Oliveira e Alicianne G. de Oliveira
Several scholars have proposed the conceptualization of the Web 2.0 as a "complex ecology" in order to grasp the new settings of the public sphere in contemporary societies. However, few studies have developed an accurate characterization of the specific conditions of communication on digital environments. This article aims to characterize, on a comparative basis, three conversation online spaces: blogs, social network sites (i.e. Facebook) and collaborative platforms (i.e. YouTube). From a critical assessment of the current literature and empirical studies, it focuses on the implications of the identification of participants, the role of moderation, the social interactivity and the nature of the expected public. Taking into consideration the normative conditions for deliberation, we defend the argument that the relationship between the platform design and the organization of conversational online spaces has specific impacts on mediated conversation and argumentation setting. In conclusion, we indicate some implications of technical architecture of distinct platforms in order to think about the complexity of online conversations under a deliberative perspective.