Opinião Pública – Vol. 19, Nº 1 2013
Articles in this issue
The purpose of this study is to identify the main patterns of political competition in Brazilian municipalities. It intends to analyze two questions: first, considering the federative structure of the Brazilian state and the presence of a divided government, it tries to identify the forces that preside the intergovernmental relations between the federal, state and municipal levels; and second, to what extent the increase in electoral competition at the national level has stimulated the local disputes and undermined the traditional bases of politics in more than 5,500 Brazilian municipalities.
This article has two related objectives. Firstly, I shall discuss the logical, conceptual and empirical anomalies of the canonical interpretations, and, secondly, I propose an alternative interpretation for the index, which leaves the sociological bias behind in favor of an economic approach. As pointed out, the economic approach analyses party systems as an "electoral market" in which the degree of constraints (rules and resources) has significant weight in the dynamics of "supply" (available political parties and policies offered and implemented) and "demand" (individual voters, economic classes, ethnic, linguistic or religious grounds and all kinds of social cleavages), and electoral volatility reflects the evolutive movements of the political market.
This paper discuss the relationship between deliberative approaches of democracy and critical theory. In order to do so, it presents three arguments that suggest a deep distinction between these two theoretical traditions: 1) Deliberation reinforces existent forms of domination; 2) Deliberation has accepted the existent democratic liberal institutions; 3) The empirical turn of deliberative literature has brought it closer to traditional theory. Based on these arguments, the article highlights the existence of an instable dialogue between the deliberative approach and the Frankfurtian legacy.
This article analyzes 156 pre-election surveys conducted in 2010 on candidates for President and Governor in the 27 Brazilian Federal Units. The main objective is to describe and explain differences between survey and ballot results. The study uses Mosteller’s Method 3 (MM3) to calculate the overall accuracy of each pre-election survey and suggests the Candidate Error Estimation Method (MEEC) to investigate a possible bias against a party or a group of parties during that election. The results show errors greater than that informed to Brazilian electoral authorities but do not justify calling into question the accuracy or partisan neutrality of the whole set of surveys analyzed. Greater differences were found: i) in surveys conducted many days before the vote, ii) during the first round, iii) in low competitive races, iv) when there were few candidates and v) in elections for Governor.
This article aims to contribute to the understanding of social and political-ideological profile of Conlutas, a trade union and popular organization created in 2004 as a CUT’s dissidence, with the participation of different social movements. The analysis is based on a survey conducted during the Conlutas First National Congress, occurred in 2008 July in the city of Betim (MG//Brazil). The results show that Conlutas mainly represents non-manual workers from the public sector, particularly from education, who earn up to 3 minimum wages and have stable working conditions.
In this article, we aim to identify and analyze key factors impacting trust in the Minas Gerais State Police. To achieve this goal, we used the survey “Victimization and Fear Perception in Belo Horizonte and Minas Gerais”, 2009, conducted in 29 cities. Apart from Belo Horizonte, the survey covered 5 cities in its metropolitan area, 7 cities considered regional poles and 16 other towns with less than 10,000 inhabitants. Some of the results are: individuals confuse police's functions with criminal justice's system's functions; individuals with lower socioeconomic status, that suffer greater police repression, are those who most trust the police; in smaller towns, where the police has closer contact to citizens and criminality is reduced, the police receives more trust than in larger ones; the perception of efficiency in solving problems related to violence produces the biggest positive effects on the level of institutional trust.
After 20 years of reestablished democracy in Brazil, what do the state legislators think about the regime? The goal of the article is to show the views of state legislators of the Legislative Assemblies of the States of São Paulo and Paraná on democracy. For the views we use a structured and self-administered questionnaire. The results show that for the state legislators: i) democracy is stable, ii) it is superior to any other kind of regime, iii) it’s support comes from some public policy and the use of voting and iv) parties and elections are important for democracy.
The purpose of this paper is to present the results of our research on Internet using by candidates for councilor in Curitiba, Florianópolis and Porto Alegre. From the examination of virtual campaign of candidates who used websites among about 1.400 applicants for the positions for its offices in these capitals, we evaluate the use of these politicians have made the Internet in municipal elections in October 2008. Our basic hypothesis is that the web pages of candidates for elected office, especially the council, served mainly to disseminate traditional political practices, strengthening personalistic and clientelistic ties with the electorate.
This article has as its starting point the analysis of some data collected in previous studies about the partisan image built by Brazilian political parties in electoral campaigns, adding data and information from the 2010 presidential elections. However, it is not only adding new data to a prior analysis. The goal is to build a diagnosis of partisan image which has been projected in presidential campaigns in Brazil, between 1989 and 2010. The discussion of the quantitative data is followed by a qualitative analysis related specifically to the 2010 campaign. The objective is to analyze the most relevant aspects of the role of political parties in the campaigns of the two leading candidates in contention: Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Jose Serra (PSDB). The discussion on the role of the PSDB in the candidacy of Jose Serra has focused on anti-party discourse undertaken by his television campaign. The discussion on the role of PT in the candidacy of Dilma Rousseff has focused at the President Lula's participation in her campaign on television, analyzing the role of leadership in contemporary electoral dynamics.